LaRouche: The World at a Turning Point, 2003
from the LaRouche in 2004 Campaign

Our Job is to Win the Nation Back to Safety
page 2

But, in the process, those in the United States, and in the United Kingdom, who hated Roosevelt, but had worked with him, because he was considered necessary until the war were won; now, knowing that the war were won, moved to eliminate him. They knew that he was ill. He was suffering from the effects of poliomyelitis, was worn down, and was about to die, of complications, which could hit him at any time. They put in Truman, who was sympathetic, shall we say, to the scoundrels that put him in.

Truman dropped the unnecessary bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, against the explicit advice of Eisenhower, and the implicit advice of MacArthur: There was never a legitimate military reason for dropping those bombs. Or, for that matter of fact, the firebombing of Tokyo; or for that matter, the terror-bombing of Germany, civilian centers.

The object of war, is to win the peace. Win the war, as expediently as possible, with as little damage to both sides as possible; and use what survives as the premise for peace--exactly what people didn't think about, when they were going into Iraq.

So, at the end of the war, with the dropping of those bombs, we had a tendency in the United States, and in Britain, called the "utopian" tendency. People say: "The world of history has come to an end. With nuclear weapons, and with the ability to deliver them by air, by aircraft, the world has changed. We don't need armies and navies, in the old sense, any more."

We can now terrify the world, exactly as Bertrand Russell said, publicly, in 1946. But that was his policy earlier. Bertrand Russell was the author of this policy, of nuclear terror. We create weapons so horrible, such monstrous weapons, that nations will give up their sovereignty to world government, in order to avoid war involving such weapons.

This became known as the "utopian faction" in U.S. military policy: The "revolution in military affairs" was started around the building up of the Air Force, and Truman supported it.

We avoided the worst consequences of that downturn, in our policy, because we were so disgusted with Truman, we couldn't elect a Democrat at that time. So, we elected Eisenhower, who represented the traditional military policy of the United States, and we had a sweet relief, for two terms, when we paid a price for it. But, we were so sick of Truman--as I was sick of Truman, then, as returning veteran: the right wing, the terror, what we call "McCarthyism"; all the evil, that hit the United States and terrified the population, came under Truman.

And we got relief from this--from a drive toward nuclear war--was stopped, because some people realized that Truman had gotten us into the Korean War, which was unnecessary, and he had miscalculated. Therefore, they said, "Get rid of that. And get rid of the Democratic Party, for the time being, because it might have the stink of Truman left on it." And the American people breathed in relief, especially when Eisenhower shut down Sen. Joe McCarthy.

It wasn't good. Because the party of Roosevelt, of Franklin Roosevelt, that had saved the nation from the effects of Coolidge and Hoover; which had saved us, and saved the world from a world empire, a Hitler-like dictatorship, that party was now crippled. Crippled from the inside, by what Truman represented. And it never fully recovered.

There was an attempt to do so, under Jack Kennedy. But Jack was not ready for the job, really. Jack did not understand the military problem. He didn't understand what he was getting into. He began to--and then, they killed him.

And then, we had a change: We had a meeting, between Presidential candidate Richard Nixon and the Ku Klux Klan in Biloxi, Mississippi. This became known as the "Southern Strategy." We were on our way toward fascism.

Then, at the end of the 1970s, the Democratic Party went to the right, with the founding of the Democratic Leadership Council. And the Southern Strategy came over to the Democratic Party: It was called the "Suburban Strategy." Amounts to the same thing.

Since 1977--I think we can show that one, the drop in income, of the lower 80% of family-income brackets of the United States igure 1]. We have had a disassociation of the general welfare, from the population as a whole. We have a doctrine, which comes out of the fascist majority Supreme Court, typified in the extreme by Antonin Scalia, which is called "shareholder value": In other words, if you bought a health-care plan, which is going to take care of you; and some stockholder had come in and bought a share of a company that had taken over the health-care plan, an HMO-style company, the shareholder of that company (who just bought the stock yesterday) had right to a given rate of profit, even if it meant taking your life, by denying you the care you needed! That's the kind of change we made.

And, that was what happened in 1977: Infrastructure went down; industries began to collapse; the physical standard of living collapsed. The Federal Reserve System cooked up this so-called "Quality Adjust Index," under Volcker--1982-83--and the Federal government has been lying about the rate of inflation--and I'm talking about 10 and 20% ratios--ever since. Look at the physical standard of living of somebody in 1975, the middle of the 1970s: Look at what a week's wage would buy, in terms of a standard of living; what kind of improvements in the community; what public library; what hospitals; what kind of health services, would be provided to you physically, as a percentile of your wage.

Look at it now.

They took away the factory, where you were employed. Now you work cheaply. You commute long distances. You have no family life, because you're on the road, commuting, in traffic jams most of time. You're working odd jobs, to try to make it. And you can't quite make it.

So, there's a transformation in our country, from a society based on the general welfare principle of our Constitution, to a society based on a Lockean conception of "shareholder value"; which was called, in the Confederacy, "slaveholder value."

So, we underwent a change. And therefore, by people say to themselves, "Well, you can't do anything about it. The Democratic Party has abandoned us. The Republican Party is out to eat us." "There's nothing you can do about it. You can't put the toothpaste back in the tube." And so, these things happened. And so, deregulation came.

But who's behind it?

Go back to the 1930s, and look at this organization, which had been formed, called the Synarchist International. And take another step back, to the 1780s. What was happening in the 1780s? The American Revolution had happened. The American Revolution was a project conceived in Europe, by the greatest minds in Europe. Mediated, in part, especially since the 1750s and 1760s, through Benjamin Franklin, who is the leader of this nation: the man, who actually decided what would be written in the Declaration of Independence. Franklin re- wrote the draft, which his subordinate, Jefferson, had sketched, after the discussion: crossed out this; crossed out that; put this back in; so forth. Franklin is the father of this country; not George Washington, to whom certain honors belong. But Franklin was the father of this country. And Cotton Mather, before Franklin, in a certain sense.

So, this is an intellectual movement, about the idea of creating a republic, modeled upon the idea, the Classical idea, associated with the memory of Solon of Athens, and the work of Plato: to create a true republic. In which the republic would be sovereign; the people would be sovereign. They would have no external overlord, over the nation, or over themselves. The legitimacy of the government would be based, entirely, on a commitment of the government, efficiently, to promote the general welfare of all of the people. And to promote the general welfare of posterity, as well. The principles of law, enshrined in the Preamble of our Constitution, which is the fundamental law, of our Constitutional republic.

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- Rolf Witzsche
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